spécial N° 10
du 18 mai 2001

Journal permanent et indépendant
de tous les Djiboutiens de l'opposition

de l'A. R. D. H. D

Le dixième anniversaire du Somaliland


COMMUNIQUÉ, May 18, 2001 Ref. SF/EC-033-2001


When the people of Somaliland returned to their homes in 1991, mostly from neighbouring Ethiopia, where they had fled en masse in 1988 from Barre of Somalia's genocidal pogroms, they came back to a devastated land: their cities were in rubble and the country a wasteland riddled with more than 2,000,000 deliberately planted mines. A traveller reported back then
about their capital city, Hargeisa:

"Have you ever seen Pompeii ?" a UN official had said to me in Djibouti. "That's Hargeisa now. Only it wasn't a volcano that destroyed the place --- it was man."

Long Ago, in the 1980s, Hargeisa had more than 150,000 residents. A Mecca for traders, it was the second-largest city in Somalia, and the biggest in the northern region. That region ... declared independence in May [1991] under the name Republic of Somaliland. Hargeisa is its capital city.

But it's a capital with a difference: no electricity, no telephones, no offices and no running water. Little food, little medicine, little shelter. And not very many roofs.

Mark Abley, "Fighting for Survival," The Gazette (Montreal),
"December 14, 1991, p. e1.

Despite the great odds facing them from the devastation and the virtual destruction of their homes as well as all the infrastructures of their county by the Barre regime of Somalia, the people of Somaliland collectively decided to tally the results of their union with Somalia,
which had lasted 30 years from the day when their newly independent state of Somaliland amalgamated with Somalia. They could not find a single positive development from that union: they had not received any development programs from Somalia for the twenty years between 1960 and 1980, that is even before the start of the popular revolt in Somaliland, although they had provided about 80% of the state revenues. Accordingly, whatever the
future offered, they decided to reclaim their sovereignty and, took their destiny in their hands. Exactly, ten years ago, on May 18, they reinstated the Republic of Somaliland within its colonial frontiers.


During those ten years, the people of Somaliland,without any significant help from the outside world, have quietly rebuilt their homeland, while the world has poured billions to sort out the problems of Somalia proper. The homes have been roofed; the schools have been rebuilt; even two new universities have sprung in a country which, under 30 years of Somalia rule, never had a university, and businesses have been restarted from the scratch.

Now Somaliland is the success story of the Horn of Africa that the world ignores. Its cities are booming; its airline companies link all the countries of the Horn of Africa; its telephone companies compete to provide cellular services to customers; its cities are so peaceful and stable that they put to shame the capital cities of many countries.

Paul Harris of the Scotsman' wrote
(The Scotsman June 21, 2000, Wednesday, P. 12):

"In Hargeisa new buildings are springing up, many of them plush mansions being built by an emergent business elite capitalizing on a modest economic boom.

All cars sport Somaliland licence plates and many bear bumper stickers proudly proclaiming "I love Somaliland".

But government officials are starting to worry that failure to get international recognition will stymie future development in the country. Without it Somaliland cannot establish international links with foreign airlines or postal services.

Worst of all, it cannot access development funds from the World Bank or International Monetary Fund."



Somaliland has also forged unique democratic institutions that African countries should well heed to copy; its bicameral parliament is a combination of both tradition and modernism; the senate consists of traditional elders, whereas the house of representatives consists of
modern day representatives. The judiciary is independent and the press is free.

May 18 marks the 10th anniversary of Somaliland's new independence from Somalia. During these 10 ten years, the people of Somaliland have patiently rebuilt their country and tried to heal from both the physical and mental destruction brought on them by the former Somalia

During those ten years, the people of Somaliland had worked with all the neighbouring countries interested in maintaining friendly relationships with them, thus increasing the peace and the stability of the Horn of Africa. At the same time, during those ten years every attempt was made to thwart the independence and the freedom, and indeed the economic progress of the people of Somaliland who had to start their lives from ground zero in 1991.


Though this may sound strange, some of the most concerted efforts to derail Somaliland's independence have come from the very world body that is supposed to safeguard the rights of the people of the world: the United Nations. The Secretariat of the United Nations and some of its agencies have worked hard to push Somaliland under the carpet in a quest to revive Somalia. For 10 years to this date, the Secretariat's memos avoid to mention Somaliland by name, and try to project false and negative images about Somaliland by deliberately confusing it with Somalia.

The UN Secretary General's recent report to the Security Council on the situation in Somalia illustrates this unjustifiable practice of lumping together the two distinct states of Somaliland and Somalia. This is all the more outrageous given the fact that the Secretariat's files report under the names 'Kosovo', 'East Timor,' entities which have less historical existence, and less population than Somaliland.

UN officials often try to justify their trampling on the rights of Somaliland's people for self-determination by invoking the OAU's principle of the inviolability of colonial borders. However,
Somaliland, just like Eritrea which separated recently from Ethiopia with the blessing of the UN, cannot serve as example for the application of this principle, since Somaliland had its own colonial frontiers inherited from Britain on June 1960, and was juridically a state on its own, before its merger with Somalia on July 1st, 1960.

The government of Italy has also tried to thwart Somaliland's quest for international recognition by siding with efforts to resurrect Somalia, its former colony. More recently, Djibouti, the smallest state in the Horn of Africa, and the one that has actually benefited the
most from Somaliland's heroic reconstruction efforts, has been busy trying to destabilize Somaliland.



On this 10th anniversary of the rebirth of Somaliland, we extend friendly hands to all the nations of the world. We reiterate that we, as a people, have stood united in reconstructing our country and, in spreading the benefits of peace and economic growth in the Horn of
Africa. As we have said many times before, we neither seek nor want revenge on Somalia. We wish Somalia well, and wish success to those engaged in pulling Somalia out of its chaos and lack of government.

We have even expressed our willingness to help with the reconciliation of the Somalia factions. But we are not Somalia. We have a government, a parliament, a constitution, and a struggling but peaceful country.

Today, on the 10th anniversary of the reinstatement of our independence, we again stand free, united, and fully committed to safeguarding our sovereignty and way of life.



Somaliland deserves a better response and cooperation from the UN instead of the unfair and unjustified treatment that it has gotten so far. The machinations of some governments, and the undeclared war that some UN bureaucrats, particularly African ones, have exercised against Somaliland, must stop.

We say to the responsible leaders of the world: extend a hand of recognition to our patient, and hard-working people who are ready to further peace, goodwill and prosperity in their region and, indeed, throughout the world.

A prominent scholar has said: "On a continent where success stories are rare, Somaliland's modest progress deserves a better response than the international cold shoulder it has received so far. This is especially true because its brand of peacemaking is real, grounded in the cultural traditions of its people and not in the benevolent but ill-informed efforts of foreigners."

(Gerard Prunier. Somaliland Goes it Alone.
Current History, May 1998, P.225-28.)

While Somaliland has so far coped well with being outside of the major international organizations, it needs to be part of international institutions such as the international monetary systems, the International Postal Union, and other world organizations to continue
the economic growth and attract international investors.

Somaliland has earned its place in the community of nations at no cost to anyone. The world should not hold Somaliland hostage to the chaos in Somalia or the agenda of a particular country or the biases of some UN bureaucrats. The world should deal with Somaliland on its own merit.

The Somaliland Forum


SLF Backgrounder:
The Somaliland Forum (SLF) is an international organization that brings together Somalilanders from all parts of the world mainly, through the medium of the Internet. The primary objective of the Forum is to work with the Somaliland communities around the world in order to provide some lasting solutions to the needs of the Republic of Somaliland and its
people. For more information, Please visit forum's web site at:


North America:
Deqa Gele Hidig
Ontario, Canada
Telephon: 416 652-3691

Dahir Abdi Jama
London, U.K.
Mobile(cell): 07960 173 184, Tel: (0)208 347 8529

Middle East & Africa:
Mr. A.Ismail
Kuwait, Kuwait City
Tel: 965 2630592

------------------------------------------ Sommaire -----------------------------------------------------

2 - An oasis of stability in East Africa.
Does Colin Powell have the courage
to save Somaliland?

Un oasis de stabilité en Afrique de l'EST. Colin Powell aura-t-il le courage de sauver le Somaliland ?

Posted to the web 11:49 May 18 2001 - (SLN) May 18 -

Unknown to many Americans, there is a Somalia that didn't murder U.S. Rangers and drag
them through the streets, where U.N. soldiers never set foot, and where there are no roving gangs of warlords. It is a land where refugees are eagerly returning, where there is a functioning democracy, where free enterprise is booming and what is more a country where they love Americans. So why can't Somaliland get any respect?

SOMALILAND HAS accomplished everything that America ever hoped that Somalia would and more from ending clan violence to establishing a parliament. What is its reward?

Ten years after it broke away from the rest of Somalia and declared its independence, no country has yet formally recognized Somaliland. And that has caused real hardships. It cannot sign agreements with multilateral donors such as the World Bank or International Monetary Fund.

It cannot receive more than token aid - for emergency and humanitarian reasons - but no meaningful bilateral development assistance from other governments let alone substantive loans to rehabilitate its dilapidated infrastructure.

Somaliland sorely lacks the extensive veterinary care it needs to guarantee its livestock are free of disease for export. It cannot drill for oil, build new industry, improve its universities or rebuild its roads. It can not create jobs for the tens of thousands of refugees returning to Somaliland's relative stability, nor build a substantial police force or army to protect itself.

SOMALILAND HAS accomplished everything that America ever hoped that Somalia would and more from ending clan violence to establishing a parliament. What is its reward?

Ten years after it broke away from the rest of Somalia and declared its independence, no country has yet formally recognized Somaliland. And that has caused real hardships. It cannot sign agreements with multilateral donors such as the World Bank or International Monetary Fund.

It cannot receive more than token aid - for emergency and humanitarian reasons - but no meaningful bilateral development assistance from other governments let alone substantive loans to rehabilitate its dilapidated infrastructure.

Somaliland sorely lacks the extensive veterinary care it needs to guarantee its livestock are free of disease for export. It cannot drill for oil, build new industry, improve its universities or rebuild its roads. It can not create jobs for the tens of thousands of refugees returning to Somaliland's relative stability, nor build a substantial police force or army to protect itself.

And what Somaliland fears most is a forced reunion with Somalia. Somaliland, a former British colony, was severely punished, after its first marriage to the former Italian colony in the south in 1960.

After that union to create what used to be known as the Republic of Somalia, tens of thousands of Somalilanders were murdered by Somali Army officers. Bodies are still found today, bound together, and buried in mass graves, with bullets through the backs of their heads. Over 40,000 men women and children were murdered in the capital city of Hargeysa
when government MiG jets bombed the city.

After such a dreadful union, who would want rejoin Somalia again? As it turns out, it is almost no one in Somaliland. Somalilanders call the Somali Republic's actions genocide, and are saying "never again" to a reunion.

But not so in the south, in the former Italian Somalia, where there is a fervent desire to reunite a greater Somalia. And it is that wish which threatens the fragile democracy in Somaliland.

Somaliland has pleaded and begged with the international community for recognition, but that plea is not based on hardship alone. Somaliland argues that America needs a strong and faithful ally at the border of Africa and the Middle East.

Somaliland shields the soft underbelly of Ethiopia and, as a secular democratic state, is a bulwark against extremist international anarchy and terrorism. On a practical level, it offers a huge airstrip, over 13,000 feet, and a deep-water port of Berbera on the Gulf of Aden,
which, the government points out, is safer for U.S. warships than Aden, in Yemen, where the USS Cole was bombed by terrorists last October.

One of the pillars of the Organization of African Unity is that African colonial borders should not be redrawn.

So who is opposed to recognition of Somaliland? From Rome to Cairo, there are many powerful players trying to nix Somaliland's quest for independence:

Sudan, supported by Egypt and Libya, thinks an independent Somaliland sets a precedent for dividing warring Sudan into two independent countries, North and South.

Neighboring Djibouti senses, although Somaliland government sources say erroneously, that Somaliland threatens the need for Djibouti to continue to exist.

Islamic fundamentalist states say Somaliland forms a barrier to the solidification of their hold on Somalia and to their expansion to Ethiopia and Kenya.

Certain Arab governments who would rather see a reunited Muslim Somalia to outflank Ethiopia from south and east, to be used to secure Egypt's unlimited use of the Nile waters and to forestall any form of future Israeli presence in the area.

France, which supports Djibouti and is desirous of enhancing its influence in the region.

And Italy, which the Somaliland government says is "still nostalgic dreaming of a formal colony whose capital is Mogadishu."

However, the most potent argument against recognition centers on a very fine, albeit dubious, technical point. Susan Rice, the Undersecretary of State for Africa during the Clinton administration, was flatly against recognition because it meant redrawing colonial borders. One of the pillars of the Organization of African Unity (OAU) is that African colonial borders should not be redrawn.

But here is the irony. Julius Nyerere, first president of Tanzania, in the formative stages of the OAU, pleaded against redrawing African borders so that British Somaliland would not joint with Italian Somalia.

Why? The fear was that a united Somalia would be a harbinger for the emergence of Greater Somalia, which, in order to annex surrounding Somali territories, would invade Ethiopia and Kenya. (The Republic of Somalia did invade Ethiopia in 1977, and Somali raiders still attack

Even more ironic, Nyerere redrew his own borders, joining Tanganyika with Zanzibar to form Tanzania. Yet nearly 40 years later, Nyerere's argument is being used to prevent Somaliland from being recognized as a sovereign state even though it was, briefly, an independent state after its liberation from British.
On balance, the OAU's doctrine on the "inviolability" of boundaries inherited from the colonial powers does not apply to Somaliland because it is situated within the boundaries of the British Somaliland Protectorate defined in 1886 when it was declared a British protectorate.
Somalilanders lament that the United States and the United Nations have had little trouble with redrawing borders in the Balkans or the former Soviet Union, but still resist to recognize their nascent republic.

On the 10th anniversary of its declaration of independence, Somaliland is beginning a vigorous international campaign for recognition beginning with South Africa, Ethiopia and Kenya. Somaliland's President Mohammed Egal, has been criss-crossing the globe, appealing to any government who will listen

. 'Our history and our identity have completely disappeared from the world for 30 years, and now we are telling the world that there is a country called Somaliland.'

Somaliland president "Our history and our identity have completely disappeared from the world for 30 years, and now we are telling the world that there is a country called Somaliland," Egal told NBC News. "We have to educate our friends and brothers and compatriots in the international community who we are and where we come from."
Egal, a former prime minister of the Somali Republic until he was overthrown in a coup and jailed for 12 years, argues passionately for an independent and internationally recognized Somaliland.

But a lack of international recognition casts a long shadow over Somaliland's future, seriously hindering economic development, strangulating the burgeoning private sector and eroding public trust in the country's future. This, observers fear, may bring about a political
downturn which undermines the republican order and ushers in social anarchy and lawlessness. That, they say, will spell a doomsday scenario in which almost anything could happen.

"Certainly the forces of darkness will gleefully celebrate the eclipse of the only secular democracy in the Somali speaking region of the Horn [of Africa] and feverishly try to fill the vacuum by establishing a Taliban-like regime," says Saad Noor, Somaliland's representative in Washington.

"If successful, they will hookup with fellow Islamic extremists in southeast Ethiopia and shake up the very foundation of the Ethiopian regime. Djibouti will not be safe either. The crescendo will come to a thunderous roar if the coveted southern shores of the Gulf of Aden, from the entrance of the Red Sea at Bab el Mandab to Berbera basin. falls under the control of an organization like the one that blew up the USS Cole."

Then and only then, many fear, will the Western democracies shed a tear for the passing of Somaliland.

Dr. Bob Arnot covers Africa's humanitarian and political issues for NBC News.


------------------------------------------ Sommaire -----------------------------------------------------

The elected Somali government : Cloning Barre regime.

Le Gouvernement de Somalie : un clônage du Cabinet de Siad Barre

By Abdi Abdillahi Hassan, Holland
Somaliland Forum member

Proclaimed on July 1st 1960, the Somali Republic was a result of a union of two states ( British Somaliland Protectorate and Somali Italian trusteeship). Somaliland got its independence 26th of June 1960 from British colonial rule after 76 years of protectorate rule. South Somalia on the other hand got its independence the 01 of July 1960.

The two states made unpopular union the same day. Civilians of both states were not consulted Only a few politicians from both sides agreed to join and make true the dream of a greater Somalia. Electing Aden Abdullah Osman as it's first president. The whole of Somalia coming together was not possible because, when Kenya freed itself from colonial rule in 1963, the British government handed over N.F.D(north eastern provinces of today) to Kenya. Djibouti got it's independence from France in 1977 and opted to be an independent state.These two provinces were part of the Somali five stars which became free but unilaterally declared independence.

The dream of a grater Somalia started to shatter when it's second president Abdulrashid Ali Sharmake (1967-1969) was assassinated by his body guards in Laascanod city. 21st of October 1969, the military made a bloodless coupe and dictator Mohamed Siyad Barre came into power the same day. Barre started of his first year by giving power to military leaders . He suspended the constitution and abolished all other political parties. Three years later October 21st army junta declared Somalia a socialist country and adapted scientific socialism . His regime gave the Soviet Union a permission to establish military basis in
Barbera giving it access to the Indian Ocean and the Red Sea.)

To secure his power, Barre set up a so-called national security court on January 10 1970, this court mostly ruled death penalty to the civilians without any legal defence, their appeals were not accepted. In February of the same year he founded national security services, building more jails to put arrested politicians or those whom Barre suspected. Godka
(meaning hell.) was one of the worst built jails for political prisoners in any African country.

In 1975 Barre dismissed 50 military and civilian officers from their post, had them arrested and put to jail. They were all from North Somalia. He gave the important posts in government only to clan members and allies. He divided the Somali society and misused the clans system. He used the old colonial policy "divide and rule."

Barre attacked Ethiopia in July 1977 to liberate the Ogaden province. His strategy was probably to distract people and to reinforce his position as the undisputed greater Somali leader. This war caused many casualties on both sides. It only ended when the Soviet union intervened and sent 40,000 troops from Russia, Cuba, Yemen and other eastern Europe
countries. Beside the casualties the war had many other negative effects like the massive numbers of refugees from Ethiopia. Major economical setbacks and the instability that plagues the region to this day. After the Somali army pullout in March 1978 from Ethiopia, sensing rebellion in the North region he stationed his army in North Somalia. He ordered
to kill people, rape women, to loot their property. Barre killed many innocent civilians in the North east provinces as well, after military leaders Col. Cirro and Abdullahi Yussuf attempted an abortive coupe after the end of the war. That attempted coupe led many execution
including their families and some of their clan members.

Eventually, the North East regions formed their own political party called Somali Salvation Democratic Front ( SSDF), and in 1981 an opposition group called Somali National Movement( SNM) was formed in the North of Somalia, supporters were Somaliland ethnic majority Isaac. SNM carried out the weapon struggle against Barre regime. In early 1988
dictator Barre signed peace treaty with the former Ethiopian President Mingistu Haile Maryam.

He did that to win the battle against SNM rebels. SNM attacked the big cities in North Somalia. there were a lot of casualties on both sides but SNM won the battle. Barre ordered to kill and illuminate all the Isaac people. He destroyed their cities and villages, he laid landmines everywhere in the country. The human rights organization African watch
estimated in 1988 that more than 50, 000 innocent civilians dead. This was one of the most brutal genocide's in African history.

SNM has co-operated with the other opposition groups ! in the South including SPM and USC. USC in the South and SNM in the north overthrew Barre from the power in 27 January 1991. SNM brought the different clans together and they created peace and security in the region.

After long consultations and negotiations of community representatives by clan leaders, religious leaders and political leaders they decided to reclaim their sovereignty which they lost, after 30 years struggle in Burao national conference 18 May 1991. Somaliland become one of the most stable places in the region of Africa. They have a democratic elected
government, an independent judicial system freedom of speech and respect of human rights.

The South of Somalia is still struggling with anarchy, chaos, and conflict. After years without central government in South Somalia, first Somali peace conference held in Djibouti. Djibouti government nominated Ali Mahdi as a president. This nomination lead to the worst civil war in
South Somalia, thousands of people were killed when Ali Mahdi and his opposition, general Mohamed Farah Aided fought for power. In May 2000 Djibouti again held another peace conference . they invited the political veterans of the ex government. The same politicians who committed war crimes and genocide against Somali innocent civilians.

Nearly fifty ex-generals and military officers attended the conference.

In august 2000 they elected a transitional parliament.

The transitional parliament elected Abdikasim Salad Hassan president. Abdikasim gave the position of Prime Minister to Ali Kaleif Galayr. both Abdikasim and Ali khalif were ministers of the ex-regime. Beside being an Internal Affairs Minister for 22 years, Abdikasim was a political adviser of Barre and a Deputy Prime Minister. Abdkasim was suspected to be responsible for the assassination former SNM leader Abdikadir Koosaar in Mustahil, and many believe he is the one who master minded genocide committed against civilians in Somaliland and was accused by humane rights activist of committing crimes against humanity during his long career in the Barre regime. In his interview with CNN, he claimed that his soldiers were not killing civilians but simply trying to eliminate terrorists.

Abdikasim declared that he did not do anything wrong during his long career by Barre regime, but that is hard to believe. Barre did not destroyed a whole nation and commit so many crimes alone especially since these men were close associates of his. Now the so called new government is responsible for the current conflict in South Somalia and the war in Mogadishu in which the militia attacked the UN workers. The government promised the security for UN staff and it is clear that it can't provide it. The government it self is not safe in Mogadishu. The Arta Government blamed their failure on the UN staff and neighbouring
countries like Ethiopia, which the new government is extremely hostile towards.

I would like to urge the UN and the international community not to sponsor the so called interim government. For the UN to support such government is, for it to go against what it stands for. This government is composed of former parliament members, ministers who had served under a regime that violated basic human rights and committed atrocities and
genocide against innocent people.

Besides this nominated regime is giving high positions to the most wanted and war criminals whom served the last regime. If you watch the military and police leaders in the Arte Regime are those blamed to committed the crime against the humanity. The justice system, the policy officers and those who carry out the judges are all Barre regime. They are ready to do thier job again. Even the solders are and the body guards of the new elected administration are sample of ex- military government. They did not get any training or orientation to make them humane being and changing the ideology and the mentality.

The most Somali intellectuals, democracy activists, and humane rights groups are worry the issue, some of them regards that the modernisation of the government system and democratisation proces in Somalia is unsuccessful.

The Somali intellectuals are worrying that this government are most war veteran of the war in 1977 against Ethiopia and civil war in Somalia and they use to lobby nowadays aggressively to attack Ethiopia and other neighbour countries. Their policy towards neighbouring country including Somaliland could be escalate other war en destabilisation in the whole region. Horn of African countries has enough expiration for the war and it is time for the negotiation, rebuilding, development and creation a peaceful environment.

Arta regime bought already new weapons and military equipment from Ukraine and Chine. They connected a new ties with Arab welfare countries including Saudi-Arabia, Libya and Egypt. They support the new elected regime to buy cannon and guns to attack against the innocent civilians and the neighbouring countries. I want to request the UN and international community not to sponsor the so called interim government to reach their target.

Finally the most member of parliament, ministers and high post in the government have served the Barre regime and they have committed genocide or war crimes and were members of Barre political party So called Somali Revolutionary Socialist Party (SRSP).

1. Culosow formed Mister of Agriculture and member of SRSP
2. Abdillahi Ahmed Caddow Minister of Finance and formed USA ambassador member of SRSP.
3. Abdullahi Osoble Siad Minister of Post and telecommunication, Minister of Justice, Minster of public service member of SRSP.
4. Ing. Osman Jama Ali Minster of fishery member of SRCP.
5. Mohamed Abdi Yussuf vice minister of Public service member of SRCP
6. Dahir Warsame vice minister of education.
7. Farah Ali Shire head of INJi agency
8. Bashir Farah Kahiye director of Curriculum Minister of Education.
9. Shire Suudi Mohamud member of SRCP
10. Abdullahi Gacal Ali general director member of SRCP
11. Hassan Sudi Hirsi Minister of member SRCP
12. Ali Khalif Galayr Minister of Trade and Industry Minister and member of SRCP.
13. Mohamed Rajis Member of SRCP
14. Abdullahi Hassan representative in Arab league until now Member of SRCP
15. Abdirahman Farah Ismail Ambassador of Egypt
16. Abdirahman Ahud Ali Ambassador of Ethiopia and U.A.E
17. Hassan Salah Ambassador of Sudan
18. Hassan Aden Wadadiid Ambassador of Saudi-Arabia
19. Abdullahi Deerow Isaaq head of Education province Bakool member of SRCP
20. Ali Mahdi Mohamed war lord and self declared president after Barre.
21. Abdulakadir Yam Yam member of SRCP
22. Gen. Mohamed shiikh Osman member of supreme revolutionary council ( SRC) Minister Of Public Service, Minister of Presidency, Minister of Finance member of SRCP.
23. Gen. Jama mohamoud Ghalib Commander of National Police, Minister of Interior Affairs, member of SRCP.
24. Genalal Bile Rafle Guuleed governor of Togdher, North West, Mudug. Minister of Agriculture, member of SRCP.
25. Genaral Abdi-Asis Ali Barre commander of army Togdher, Commander of reaction force, commander of 26st division of Somali army(Current Somaliland) " War Criminal"
26. Gen. Mohamed Hashi Ghani( Butcher of Hargeisa). Commander of 26 division (Current Somaliland) during 1981-1984, chief staff of national army, member of SRCP" War Criminal".
27. Mohamed Said Morgen (angel of death) Barre Son in-law, Commander of Army 26st division (Current Somaliland) " War Criminals"
28. Gen. Mohamed Abdullahi Geelqaad member of SRCP
29. Gen. Mohamed Noor Galaal member of SRCP
29. Gen. Genaral Mohamed Abdi member of SRCP
30. Gen. Yussuf Talan member of SRCP( assassinated shortly in Mogadishu).
31. Genaral Ahmed Warsame Mohamud member of SRCP
32. Gen. Carre member of SRCP
33. Gen. Farah wacays Member of SRCP
34. Gen. Omer Haji Massale Commander of National Army and member of SRCP.
35. Gen. Abdiwahab Mahakaye Commander of Guul wadeyaal army
36. Gen. Hassan Mohamed( Shaadh Guduud) officer of National Security Service member of
SRCP warlord chairman of RRA. Current opposed the Arta elected Government.
37. Gen. Abdulkadir Haji Massale head of SRCP and right hand of dictator Barre.
38. Gen. Ismail Qaasim Naji member of SRCP
39. Gen. Abdi Warsame Isaak member of SRC Minister of Social Affairs member of SRCP.
40. Gen. Osman Jeelle member of SRC Minister of Tourist member of SRCP.
41. Gen. Mohamed Abshir Muse commander of National Police.
42. Col. Ismaaciil Yasin member of SRCP
43. Col. Mohamed Maydhane members of SRCP
44. Col. Hassan Abshir Mayor of Mogadishu and Ambassador of Germany.
45. Col Saeed Osman Member of SRCP.
46. Col. Yussuf Dheeg Ambassador of Cuba
47. Col. Abshir Salah Commander of National Security service in Hargeisa and governor of Togdher and Mudug.
48. Col. Abdrisaac Muse Hirsi member SRCP
49. Col. Abdi Mohamed Ahmed members of SRCP.


1. The Development of the constitution of the Somali Republic, by Dr. Haji N.A. Noor Muhammad M.A: (Madras), LL.k (Yale): J.S.D. ( Yale

2. Somaliland-1991, report and reference by John Dryasdale, Global-states ltd, suite 10, 98 Goldstone villas, Hove BN3 3RU UK.

3. Somaliland Forum press, Ref. SF/EC004-1999, Date. September 27th, 1999, Somaliland Forum web site.

4. Somaliland, Mark Bradbury, Ciir country report, Londen, 1997.

5. Somalia: A nation in turmoil, Minority Rights Group International report, by Dr. Said S. Samatar, London 1995

6. A pastoral democracy A study of pastoralism and politics among the northern Somali of horn of Afrika, New introduction by Said Samatar/ I.M. Lewis.-Hamburg:LiT, 1999 ( Classics in African anthropology).

7. The case for the independent statehood of Somaliland , Anthony J. Carroll/ B. Rajagopal. Copyright 1993, American University Journal of International Law & Politics, Vol. 8:653, 1993. Reprinted by permission, Somaliland forum web site.

8. SNM Executive Committee Memorandum, Somaliland: On The Restoration of Its Sovereignty And Independence, Hassan Essa Jama ,SNM Acting Chairman, Somaliland forum website

9. Somaliland State 40 years anniversary by Abdi Abdillahi Hassan, Holland, 26 June 2000

10. Xusuus Kashifaysa Dhacdooyinka Dahsoon Kasmo Journal Tirsiga 44naad London issue 3 July 2000

11. The SNM accused Salad Hassan of War Criminals, Republican issue 127, September 2000, Hargeisa London.

12. SOMALIA : The Return of Siad Barre's Generals,The Indian Ocean Newletter 942- 17/03/2001

13. Somaliland and Somalia: The Unlawful Merger Of Two States by Abdi Abdillahi Hassan, Holland

------------------------------------------ Sommaire -----------------------------------------------------




2 - An oasis of stability in East Africa. Does Colin Powell have the courage to save Somaliland ?
Un oasis de stabilité en Afrique de l'EST. Colin Powell aura-t-il le courage de sauver le Somaliland ?

3 - The elected Somali government : Cloning Barre regime. Le gouvernement Somalien : un clonage du Cabinet de Siad Barre

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